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For Andrei Zorin, a professor at Oxford University, and the author of many books on his country’s history, including an important biography of Tolstoy, and an essay entitled “The Periphery of Europe,” in which he explains how Russia has changed the perception on territories like Ukraine, it is not an ordinary day.
Conversation our in Skype intersect, when Zorin gets the call that e kit was expected for a long time. His wife and son just they had arrived from Moscow with one of the last flights of available. “This time is a journey only with with one direction. more sorry that yesleaveof from the homeland. But there not there on conditionst to stay”– he says.
Professor, per which mythology do you mean?
To the great surprise of of everyone, recent years Vladimir Putin is turned to an amateur historian, beginning to write essays on Russia’s past. many people econsidered strange this behavior. With allorto for was a way to create aeconsensus, and to justify an unmotivated war like this THAT just has started.
Which are according to Putin the most important moments in the history of Russiae?
There are three Like that. First:we Russians we love you westernerswidower, but it’s you who hate us. Therefore, we have the right to defend ourselves. This principle has spread widely through television and the younger generations ply throughrtool BOOKSwidower school. reviewed and corrected based on this suppositionof the Russian president.
The second?
Putin says: T’i schangemore losses in wins, or on a premy of the next victory. Narrortiva our HISTORYe, dictated from conversion as through a miracleie of humiliations in absolute triumphs. Against Poland in the century XVIIagainst Napoleonagainst the Nazis in World War II. Putin has chosen to crystallize this vision, to do it it permanentecreating a waitshmëri eternal ABOUT revenge to the West.
Yes I share Whatsome defeat will take revenget ai with the invasion of Ukraine?
whomonly he says. In this sense, nothing else not is consistent with his distorted view. Revenge of his is e double. For the dissolution of BSoviet educationwhich he considers an absolute tragedy, not a liberation, but a humiliation, like and for failure e for the endimit of wars launched in 2014, which did not led to the end ABOUT the fault of the West.
yes Whatlighthousee Ukraine has to do with kete access?
This is the third, perhaps most important, point. Putin sees Ukraine as a symbol of fragmentation “HOUSEHOLDSoviet. When it says the Russians and Ukrainians are a peopleif e said for the first time in an essay published the summer of year te passed, ai newgoes back in time.
Until where?
Before the revolution of 1917, when the Russian term meant our people, Ukrainians and Belarusians. We were just Velikorosy, Malorosy AND Belarusmeaning the Great Russians, the Russians of Vegjël and the White Russians. that in this KIND differencei, the role of the “big brother” assigned to us is clear we Russians. Putin can not tolerate that Ukrainians refer to the Russians as “Moskal”. For him, this fight is like a family reunion.
or kTHROUGH keto thesis any real basis?
These are strange theories, which may be consequence of its isolation, even physical, longsof 2 last years. History is not made by choosing from “bowl” only with “cherries” that we like the most. The story is one COURSE continuous and inseparable eventsh.
Ne nuk can tor ignore FACT how a people, in this case it Ukrainian, considers himself his. S ‘can tor we ignore the “western” will, that appeared in the square Maidan. Otherwise, everything eshte JUST A distorted propaganda.
Borin this vision, what role does Putin assign himself?
The cult of ultimate victory, turned into a kind of state religion, involves the mythology of the leader, which only makes sense in timera difficult. History “his”, is one of the tools for maintaining power and of a checkof strong over the Russian people. The message that yes imposed mestrength is this:IN case se do THAT to besh a worthy person, then you have to line up just on the right sidethat of Putin./bota.al
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